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THE (STATE) CIVIL RIGHTS INITIATIVE BALLOT LANGUAGE:

The State shall not discriminate against nor grant preferential treatment to, any individual or group on the basis of race, sex, color, ethnicity, or national origin in the operation of public employment, public education, or public contracting.

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For 2008, Race Free Zone is dedicated to being the no-spin zone of the Civil Rights Initiative movement. This year, we encourage all people, media, and candidates of Arizona, Colorado, and Nebraska to tour the information we have posted here for their consideration as they have the chance to vote on Civil Rights Initiatives in their states this November. We invite all media in the United States to tour this site for facts about this movement. We are strictly fact-oriented. All opinions are clearly shown to be opinions.

The Civil Rights Initiatives are anti-race preference and anti-gender preference ballot initiatives. This all started when California passed Proposition 209, eliminating race and gender preferences in state government, including universities and colleges supported by the state, state employment, and state contracting. The surprising success of this proposal spurred the people of Washington State to do the same, and in 2006 Michigan became the third state to stop the destructive habit of using race and gender preferences in its state education, employment and contracting.

Because of passage in those three states, 25% of the United States' citizens live in non-preference/non-discrimination states.

Below you will find our FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS. We invite all questions and any challenge to the answers. Challenges that turn out to be true will be immediately accepted and put up front. We hide nothing. We are fact-based. All postings have been researched, and are cited.

Race Free Zone is constructed to be of use to media, campaigners, debaters, petition circulators, candidates, and to any citizen who wants clear answers and facts.

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Why are these initiatives called "civil rights" initiatives?

Don't we already have this?

Are there "hidden consequences"?

Will gender-specific programs be eliminated?

Are gender-specific college sports "endangered"?

Will the Civil Rights Initiatives "threaten" or "put at risk" women's health, breast cancer screenings, shelters, domestic violence programs or gender-specific health programs funded by the state?

Is the language "deceptive"?

Do women make only 70% of men's incomes?

Are the circulators paid?

Are "outsiders" invading your state?

Who's on their side? Who's on our side?

Has affirmative action in college admissions actually resulted in a higher FAILURE rate for minority-student graduation?

Are women incompetent or is the State government sexist?

Why would a mother of a multi-race family be in favor of the Michigan Civil Rights Initiative?

Is America more racist now than in the past?

Is it true that multi-millionaire immigrants and wealthy Americans are getting affirmative action set-asides for "disadvantaged minorities"?

Did Ward Connerly "bless" the KKK?

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Thursday, July 27, 2006

John McWhorter's thoughts on the MCRI

My colleague, Diane Carey, wrote to the eminent American scholar, John McWhorter, and asked him for his thoughts about affirmative action and the MCRI. He kindly responded with an op-ed piece he wrote in 2003 for the Philadelphia Inquirer.

I'll let Professor McWhorter introduce the article with his own words...

"On Affirmative Action, I must admit that I have written so much on it over the past several years that...I just don't know any new ways of putting the same truths.

However, ..., an op-ed I wrote for the Philadelphia Inquirer after the 2003 decision is actually a handy way of seeing what I am about re Affirmative Action. It gets in my main points, ....":



The Supreme Court’s legitimization of pursuing “diversity” in composing a university class is the saddest development in Civil Rights since the Bakke decision of 1978.
That’s no renegade assessment from a “black conservative”. The decision ratifies a practice that black Americans themselves overwhelmingly deplore. Too often lost is that while racial preference advocates coo about the importance of “diverse” perspectives in their classrooms, black students tend not to appreciate being singled out this way. In a recent issue of Friends’ Central’s newspaper devoted to diversity, a black teen treats this practice as an example of racism: “It makes you become representative of your race. Anything about black culture they expect you to know”. The undergraduate-written Black Guide to Life at Harvard insists “We are not here to provide diversity training for Kate or Timmy before they go out to take over the world”.
Meanwhile, in poll after poll, black Americans overwhelmingly disapprove of racial preferences. Typical was a poll by the Washington Post that showed 86% of blacks opposed. In Black Pride and Black Prejudice, Paul Sniderman and Thomas Piazza report that 90 percent of 756 blacks rejected admitting a black student over a white one when their difference in SAT scores is 25 points. In the Friends’ Central newspaper issue, a black teacher writes “I would like to receive praise and awards and not have others consider them to be hand-outs” – and sees this as an aspect of racism in his life.
Sure, Monday’s decision outlaws quota and point systems, but this is window dressing. Permission to “take race into account” remains, and this phrase is a fig-leaf for treating students’ skin color as one reason for admitting them over someone else. But this is exactly what most black people do not approve of.
And the decision gives a stamp of approval to a general thought culture where whites are comfortable assessing black people as headcount-fodder. This leads to episodes like former New York Times reporter Jayson Blair being promoted beyond his capabilities out of tacit sense that his “diversity” was more important than his abilities.
Of course, many insist that racial preferences are about opening doors for people coming up the hard way, as if all but a sliver of black people live hardscrabble existences in 2003. But middle class students have always benefitted most from preference policies. “It is necessary that the path to leadership be visibly open to talented and qualified individuals of every race and ethnicity”, Justice O’Connor writes, as if racism somehow blocks even middle class black students from posting grades and test scores as high as other students.
But it’s hard to see bigotry in the white administrators so elated this week that they will be able to continue jerryrigging classes into a suitable level of “diversity”. O’Connor’s statement tiptoes around the elephant sitting in the middle of the room: why is it that even well-off black students so rarely hit the highest note in grades and scores?
The answer is a culture-internal tendency, largely tacit but powerful, to associate scholarly endeavor with being “white”. This affects black students’ performance regardless of class, as countless journalistic reports have demonstrated and UC Berkeley professor of anthropology John Ogbu’s book-length study of the problem now confirms. If we wish to undo that tendency, lowering standards for all black people regardless of life circumstances will only nurture it.
As so often, what passes for Civil Rights advocacy today contrasts jarringly with what black thinkers in the past assumed. Zora Neale Hurston never knew racial preference policies, but once wrote: “It seems to me that if I say a whole system must be upset for me to win, I am saying that I cannot sit in the game, and that safer rules must be made to give me a chance. I repudiate that. If others are in there, deal me a hand and let me see what I can make of it”. “Taking into account” socioeconomics is just in a society riddled with inequality. But Hurston would have deplored middle class black students being submitted to lowered standards to assuage white guilt. She would be right, and Monday was a dark day for getting past race in this country.

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